Saturday, December 27, 2014

Economic Prosperity: Scholarly Perspectives

Modern day prosperity is a very intriguing subject.  The world today has tremendous inequality in that human beings in different nations of the world have completely different standards of life.  People in some part of the world have reached the moon, while people in the different location struggle to get two meals a day. Geographical areas that were separated by mass of water, by lay of land or by an imaginary political border had different resources to use, culture and political system to follow which accounts for different rate of economic growth and for a country’s position in terms of development.  Institutions, culture, geography, resources and impact of colonization are important determinants of modern day prosperity (The School of Life, 2014). The importance of good institutions is placed above all other factors for the prosperity of a country.


Authors of literature in this field of study agree on causes of modern day prosperity or deprivation. No scholars disagree that poor countries are poor because of their poor geography, poor institutions, the scanty amount of resources of economic values and economic policies. However, there is a debate on what factor is of highest importance in determining the prosperity of the country. Similarly, scholars do not have a unanimous opinion about the ways in helping to bring poor people out of it.We will explore the importance of geographyinstitution and industrialization in this article.  Let us first start with the importance of geography in prosperity.

All the landlocked countries in Africa and Asia are developing countries. Landlocked countries have a disadvantage because they have to spend around thirty to fifty percent extra in raw or manufactured goods including oil than non-landlocked countries have to spend (Sidaway, 2011). This fact proves that landlocked countries will have a comparative disadvantage in trading with other countries. A research by (Paudel, 2012) reveals woes of landlocked countries– the conclusion of which was that, all else being equal, landlocked countries experience economic growth of six percent less than that of non-landlocked countries.   (Banjaree & Duflo, 2011) in their book Poor Economics quote Jeffrey Sachs, an advisor to the United Nations, in mentioning that “countries are poor because they are hot, infertile, or often landlocked” which impedes their  productivity and [economic growth] (p.3).
Photo Courtesy: Wikipedia

The second explanation for prosperity is given from institutional perspective- that of extractive and inclusive institutions. Extractive institutions are meant to benefit the selected few by extracting from many, and these institutions are unable to provide incentives for growth which may lead to stagnation and poverty. Inclusive institutions, on the other hand, distribute power in a pluralistic manner, achieve some amount of political centralization, enact rules of law, provide property rights and encourage investment in new technologies and skills which are conducive to economic growth (Robinson & Acemoglu, 2013). Some scholars- prominent of which are Acemoglu and Robinson-assert that inclusive economic and political institutions are very important because economic growth and prosperity are associated with inclusive political and economic institutions. They claim that geography and resources alone cannot determine prosperity of the country, but it is upon economic and political institutions of the country which leads the country into greater economic growth.  The United States being richer today than geographically well suited and resource rich Mexico or Peru (Ibid, p. 42), the contrast of economic development of South and North Korea (Ibid, p. 75) and rapid economic development of countries such as Singapore, Malaysia and Botswana despite having a very hot climate (Ibid, p.49) are arguments in favor of institutions over geography and economic resources.

Policies a country adopts are also an important constituent of economic growth of the country. Good policies emerge with inclusive elements in politics; conversely good policies cannot be formulated and corruption will be in rife without pluralistic elements in politics (Banjaree & Duflo, 2011, pp. 235-265). Good policies, in turn, can also help break the vicious cycle of low economic growth by paving a way for creative destruction, technological advancement, and higher revenue collection, investments in the country and boarder participation of individual in the policy making process.

Unlike Achemoglu and Robinson, who advocate for good institutions, Erik Reinert in his book How Rich Countries Got Rich and Why Poor Countries Stay Poor shows that the technology and mass production of industry are more important than capital, property rights or the rule of law to economic growth.  He writes in his book that “economic growth is the synergy of a large division of labor, increasing returns, [diversified economy] and new knowledge” and that “creating and protecting industry is creating and protecting democracy” (Reinert, 2009, p. 76). Industrialization is the result of new knowledge, while increasing returns the result of it.

Most of the work was driven by muscle power in the seventeenth century. When people had started to believe that all that could be achieved was through human muscles, industrialization completely changed the outlook of the world. Industrialization, unarguably, is the major component of modern day prosperity, and inequality is the consequence of no or different rate of economic progress. Industrial Revolution leveraged the economic growth to lead billions of people into modern day prosperity (Deaton, 2013, p. 4). Proliferation of the manufacturing sector with industrialization paved the way for the economic principle of increasing returns ,which means a decrease in the cost per unit because of an increase in production, breaking the vicious circle of economic principle of diminishing returns ,which means an increase in the cost of production due to an increase in one variable of output (Reinert, 2009, p. 74). Through industrialization, England, followed by the rest of Europe, North America, and some Asian countries embraced higher efficiency and productivity in manufacturing sector, leaving the rest of the world behind -which has created a huge gap between the western countries and the rest of the world that is increasing even to this date (Deaton, 2013).
Photo Courtesy: humbolt.edu

The question we are faced to ask is why some countries abstain from inheriting new knowledge or new technology, which Reinert proposes as the factors of development. The answer again lies in the types of institutions. While inclusive political institutions in England laid the framework for inclusive economic institutions that would start the first industrial revolution, it has still not spread to Africa because the continent has experienced negative “vicious loop of the persistence and re-creation of extractive political institutions” which shield creative destruction in fear of losing political and economic control. For this reason, industrialization in African and other developing countries were not possible “either because the country was under an absolutist regime or because the country lacked or had a weak political centralization” (Robinson & Acemoglu, 2013)

Economic and political freedom are as important aspects of development as  sound economic and political institutions, for freedom ensures that an individual pursues economic activities independently on his/her rational interest to trigger the causes of development.  Amatya Sen describes development as the “removal of substantial un-freedoms” such that aspects such as “economic opportunities, political freedoms, social facilities, transparency, and protective security” are guaranteed to an individual to pursue economic activities of his/her choice to be an agent of development (Sen, 1999).  Similarly, French Statesman and political writer Alexis de Tocqueville in 1855 -in seeing consolidating civilization, manufacturing sector and democracy in Europe- in line with what, Amatya Sen would imply in 1999, said: “I do not know if one can cite a single manufacturing and commercial nation from the Tyrains to the Florentines and the English that has not also been free. Therefore, a close tie and a necessary relation exist between those two things: freedom and industry (Reinert, 2009, p. 87).” 

I had earlier mentioned in the article in earlier posts that inclusive institutions and economic freedom lead countries towards greater economic prosperity. Against this argument, I would like to ditto information from last post of Kazakhstan.  Resource rich countries such as Russia, Iran, Saudi Arabia or Venezuela have achieved satisfactory economic progress in spite of what we would earlier describe as extractive institutions and restricted economies. This phenomenon has led Thomas L. Friedman to devise the first law of Petro politics, which states that democracy and oil- an important economic resource or perhaps the most important- do not mix (Friedman, 2006). Other research suggests that oil wealth impedes the democratic transformation in authoritarian states and that “oil wealth lengthens the tenure of authoritarian rulers, although this result is somewhat fragile” (Ross, 2008).  Moreover, “Gabon, Russia, Saudi Arabia and Venezuela are unlikely to lead to a fundamental transformation of these authoritarian regimes towards inclusive institutions, for growth is generated by the increase in the value of the natural resources of respective nation” (Robinson & Acemoglu, 2013, p. 445).

Though it is not in the scope of the article to delve into detailed analysis of economic theories and policies, there is an interesting perspective set forth by Reinert.  He counterintuitively sees being poor in natural resources as one of the opportunity to become rich. In his theory, a poor country has to imports raw products and export industrial products which helps country to avoid diminishing returns (Reinert, 2009).

I will explore more on this topic in upcoming posts. 

References:
Banjaree, A., & Duflo, E. (2011). Poor Economics . New York: Public Affairs in Papers.
Deaton, A. (2013). The Great Escape . Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Easterly, W. (2001). The Elusive Quest for Growth. Cambridge and London: The MIT Press.
Friedman, T. L. (2006, May 1). The first law of petropolitics. Retrieved from Foreign Policy: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2006/04/25/the_first_law_of_petropolitics
Reinert, E. (2009). How Rich Countries Got Rich and Why Poor Countries Stay Poor. New York: Public Affairs in Paper.
Robinson, A. J., & Acemoglu, D. (2013). Why Nations Fail. New York: Public Affairs in Papers.
Rodrik, D. (2003). In search of Prosperity. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Retrieved from New York Times: https://www.nytimes.com/books/first/s/sen-development.html
Sidaway, R. (2011). Land Locked Countries. Retrieved from British Council: https://learnenglish.britishcouncil.org/en/magazine-articles/land-locked-countries
The School of Life. (2014, November 24). Retrieved from You Tube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9-4V3HR696k&list=PLwxNMb28XmpehnfQOa4c0E7j3GIj4qFEj

Thursday, December 25, 2014

Why has Sri Lanka Performed Better in Education?


Understanding the history and the development of education is more important than understanding present day educational standards in the comparative analysis of the educational systems. Therefore, let us first examine the development of education in each of Nepal and Sri Lanka, both of which are developing South Asian countries.  Since Nepal was an isolated country ruled under an autocratic rule of Rana, Nepal lacked any form of creative destruction in development till 1951 and the same could be said for educational development of the country as well. The first educational institution in Nepal was established in 1853, while the first university was established in 1959. Only after the introduction of an education plan in 1971, development of educational system seemed to gain momentum. 

Nepal was deemed as an educational miracle by some experts due to  its primary enrollment rise from a mere 10 percent in 1960 to 80 percent in 1990 (Easterly, 2001, p. 73). Nepal had primary school enrollment rate of 98.5 as of 2013 (Data: School enrollment, primary (% net), 2013) and only primary school is free, but not compulsory (Education Policy and Data Center, 2014) in Nepal. Similarly, secondary school enrollment in Nepal was 59.8 as of 2013 (Data: School enrollment, secondary (% net), 2013). According to CIA fact book, Nepal’s literacy rate for age of 15 and above was at 66 percent and that for the age between 15 and 24 was 82.4 percent as of 2011.

Sri-Lanka, on the other hand, had a head start in the field of education. Their expansion in education can be labeled as precocious when compared with other developing countries in South Asia. Present state of modern educational system in Sri- Lanka is due to its integration into the British Empire in the 19th century.  Standard educational system in recommendation of British started in 1836- the time at which neither kings of Nepal even have not had their foot outside of their country .The education system in Sri Lanka was made free following the universal franchise of 1931, while the first university was officially started in 1921. Sri-Lanka has the primary enrollment rate of Sri-Lanka is 93.8 as of 2012(Data: School enrollment, primary (% net), 2013). Public school education till tertiary level is free, and primary and lower secondary school are compulsory (Education Policy and Data Center, 2014). Similarly, secondary school enrollment in Sri- Lanka as of 2011 is 85.4 (Data: School enrollment, secondary (% net)), and literacy rate for age of 14 and above is 91 percent according to CIA factbook. The literacy rate for age group between 15 years and 24 years is 98.2 percent as of 2010.

Case Studies and Qualitative Analysis
Historically, Sri Lanka always had a comparatively better educational standards than that of Nepal. In addition to British influence in education, the provision of Sri-Lankan government to provide free education till tertiary level for selected number of the students and the policy of standardization are important factors for higher educational standard of Sri Lanka. It is undisputed that Sri-Lanka has benefitted a lot form integration of western education, but the crux of the argument is whether Sri Lanka’s educational policy after their independence has an edge over that of Nepal or not.  In the following discussion, we will try to address this question.


Because of the provision of free public education up to tertiary education, it can be argued that the large number of students in Sri-Lanka attend public schools. According to data from the World Bank, 93.7 percent of  secondary students attended public secondary school in 2012,and 96.9 percent of primary student attended public school in 2012 (Sri Lanka Education and Science, 2012).  The literature in this field of study suggests that free public education and lower intervention from private educational institutions provides everybody a chance to thrive in education. According to Easterly, high school education has become a luxury in which students indulge themselves as their parents get richer (Easterly, 2001, p. 81), but the negligent presence of private educational institution cancels out the effect that Easterly describes above. An analysis of data from some countries show that the share of spending on education increases as economic standards of a family increase, meaning “rich children will get more education even if they are not particularly talented, and talented poor children may be deprived of an education” (Banerjee & Duflo, 2011, p. 80). In an  inequitable society, public education would be necessary to make sure that everybody gets equal opportunity to be unequal (Banjaree & Duflo, 2011, p. 81). This is evidence that free educational policy in Sri-Lanka have an edge over Nepalese education policy when it comes to equal accessibility of education.

 The policy of standardization was a policy implemented by the Sri Lankan government in 1971 “to rectify disparities created in university enrollment in Sri Lanka under Colonial rule” (Root Cause of Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka).  The effect was such that Northern Province which was largely populated by Tamils and had 27.5 percent share of the entrants to science based courses in Sri Lankan universities in 1969 was reduced to 7 percent in 1974. The share enjoyed by Jaffna Tamils were proportioned among Tamils in Eastern province, Hill country and Muslims, while the majority of the share enjoyed by Colombo was proportioned among rest of the Sinhalese (Jayasurya, 1981). Although we do not have a data set for this time period for marginalized group of students in marginalized area, it could be probable that the affirmative action might have contributed in penetration of education in rural and marginalized areas of Sri-Lanka.  Although, there is a provision of affirmative action in Nepal, it is not as strict and as effective as it was in Sri-Lanka from 1971 to 1977, and impoverished region of Nepal still remains unfettered by dimensions of education. Research by Lee Jong-Wha and Franciscob Ruth concludes that “countries with higher per capita income, lower income inequality, and lower fertility rates tend to invest more in children’s education, with public expenditure leading to higher enrollment rates” (Lee & Franciscob, 2012).  The takeaway from the research is that developing countries need to choose education systems that can raise enrollment and reduce inequality between genders and among social groups through affirmative action, if necessary. Education policy in Sri-Lanka from 1971 to 1977, the remains of which still dates to this date, in regards to affirmative action again has upper hand over Nepal.

Decentralization is another buzz word in the realm of development- educational development included. Decentralization may not be a panacea to cure problems in education system of developing countries but incentives can improve with decentralization (Easterly, 2001, p. 288) Expert decentralization is necessary if the objective is to minimize variation in quality and to maximize overall efficiency, and political decentralization is necessary if an objective is to maximize local participation in decision making (McGinn & Welsh, 1999, p. 95). A way of expert decentralization is through economic decentralization- equitable creation of economic opportunities throughout the country. Economic decentralization allows economic opportunities for educated human capital to be created not just in the large cities but in smaller towns and villages all over the country through identification of local resources and expansion of infrastructures (Banerjee & Duflo, 2011, pp. 230-233).

When economic decentralization can be achieved, locals in rural and underprivileged areas will be able to realize the importance of education upon seeing the need of educated manpower in their locality. Thus, decentralization of economic opportunities can generate incentives in parents to send children in school and to support in their educational endeavor throughout.  Economic decentralization will also mean a decentralization of educational expertise, resources and technology into smaller town and rural villages, which will in turn improve the quality of education. Though I could not find quantitative index for economic decentralization I have advocated in this article, there are other indexes to evaluate decentralization of a country.  Nepal ranks 116th, 143rd, 23rd and 96th while Sri-Lanka ranks 88th, 37th, 104th and 100th in decentralization, administrative decentralization, political decentralization and fiscal decentralization index respectively (Shah & Ivanyna, 2013, pp. 34-39). It is evident from above researches that Sri-Lankan Education policies are comparatively efficient in providing equitable education in developing countries. Nepal: 0; Sri Lanka: 3

Quantitative Analysis
We will now focus on trends in educational spending in these countries and the results it has brought in these countries in recent past year. Nepal spent around 20 percent- 22.7 percent in 2010- of government spending in education every year, and spent 60.3 percent of the educational budget in primary education as per data of 2009. It can be inferred from these statistics that Nepal has focused to increase the primary education, primary enrollment and literacy rate over years. Sri Lanka spends only around 9 percent- 8.8 percent in 2012- of government spending in education every year, and spent 57.5 percent of educational budget in secondary education in 2013- which is the highest percentage of spending in secondary education of educational budget in the world (Education and Science, 2013). These data are a suggestion that primary educational system in Sri-Lanka is consolidated, and that the Sri-Lankan government is giving a push for secondary education.

(** % Enrollment Data in Primary and Secondary Education was not available for every year. Graph is extrapolated such that points for known data meet to form continuous graph.)
Source: Education and Science (www.factfish.com )

 Nepal’s primary enrollment has reached near to 99 percent over time, while secondary enrollment over the same period has reached 60 percent. Sri-Lanka’s primary enrollment has decreased over time, but their secondary enrollment has increased to around 86 percent. (Education and Science, 2013).
Even though Sri-Lanka spends lower than that of Nepal in educational expenditure, it has spent higher share of its educational spending in secondary education and the gap in primary and secondary enrollment of Sri-Lanka is also narrower than that of Nepal. If recent data from World Bank are to be compared, Nepal has surpassed Sri-Lanka in terms of primary educational enrollment, but Nepal has lagged far behind in net enrollment in secondary school.The thesis of a research in 2012 which emphasizes on the importance of secondary and tertiary for higher human development reads as follows:
Emerging Asian economies have made strong progress in improving educational capital in the past 40 years. High educational attainment, especially at the secondary level, has significantly improved emerging Asia's educational achievement. For sustained human development, Asian economies must invest in improving educational quality and raising enrollment rates at the secondary and tertiary levels. (Lee & Franciscob, 2012)

That is to say that higher rate of spending in education does not directly correlates with the higher human development, neither does the higher primary enrollment in the school correlate with higher economic growth of the country, but higher enrollment in secondary or tertiary education can potentially do. Both literature and quantitative analysis suggests that Sri-Lanka has adopted better educational policies for better human development of the country, but an assumption that better educational standards of Sri-Lanka contributes to policy alone is misleading as Sri-Lanka had a vantage point in educational development  due to the influence of British while Nepal was devoid of it on its own.

I would like to end this article with concerns that the governments of developing countries like Nepal needs keep in mind. The first problem is associated with secondary enrollment. Since youths who do not attend secondary schools are more likely to get married early, have offspring early in their life for whom they are unable to care and be unemployed, they may indulge in political and social unrest and conflict. Addressing the full range of youth needs to be a prime concern of education ministries, service organizations, employers and school (Williams & Cummings, 2005, p. XXIII). The second concern is that of quality teachers. According to an article published in the World Economic Forum, Nepal’s secondary and tertiary enrollment is expected to grow at a faster rate (Brown, 2014).  With higher enrollment in primary, secondary and tertiary education comes a higher demand for quality teachers and educational necessities. Brain drain to foreign countries, migration of educated manpower to bigger cities, an attraction of job seeking educated human manpower into technological field who could have potentially become teachers, and a lack of incentives in being a teacher creates problems with creation of quality teachers in educational field particularly in rural areas where their need is the highest. Thus, it is imperative that governments in developing areas create incentives for investing a career in educational field and create an environment for educated human capital to remain in the country or to return back to the country.

 On a final and different note, while it is important that people like Malala Yousafzai, a sassy educated girl from an educated Pakistani family who won a Nobel Peace Prize in 2014, advocate for (girls') education in conservative and developing areas of the world, it is equally important that families in developing areas themselves understand and witness the value of education first hand. In my opinion, the last point, along with local entrepreneurship and economic decentralization, is crucial step for improving educational standards and economic prosperity in developing countries.

References:
(2014). Retrieved from Education Policy and Data Center: http://www.epdc.org/country/nepal#sthash.hd7Cq7Iq.dpuf
Banjaree, A. V., & Duflo, E. (2011). Poor Economics. New York: publicaffairs in paper.
Brown, G. (2014, September 3). How Can Every Child Get an Education. Retrieved from World Economic Forum: http://forumblog.org/2014/09/universal-education/
Data: School enrollment, secondary (% net). (2013). Retrieved from The World Bank: http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SE.SEC.NENR/countries/1W?display=default
Easterly, W. (2001). The Elusive Quest for Growth. Cambridge, Massachuttes : The MIT Press.
Fischer, P., & Berger, N. (2014). A Well-Educated Workforce Is Key to State Prosperity. Washington DC: Economic Policy Institute. Retrieved November 16, 2014, from http://www.epi.org/publication/states-education-productivity-growth-foundations/
Jayasurya, J. (1981). Education in Thirld World. Pune: Indian Institute of Education .
Jess, B., & Spiegel, M. (1994). Role of Human Capital in Economic Development Evidence from Aggregate Cross- Country Data. Journal of Monetary Economics 34, 143-173.
Lee, J.-W., & Franciscob, R. (2012). Human capital accumulation in emerging Asia, 1970–2030. Japan and the World Econmy Volume 24, Issue 2, 76-86.
(n.d.). Root Cause of Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka. World Bank. Retrieved from http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTSRILANKA/Resources/App1.pdf
Shah, A., & Ivanyna, M. (2013). How Close Is Your Government to Its People? 34-39. Retrieved from http://stateofparticipatorydemocracy.files.wordpress.com/2013/01/ivanyna_shah_decentralization_index_nov_2013.pdf
Sri Lanka Education and Science. (2012). Retrieved from Fact Fish: Research Made Simple: http://www.factfish.com/country-category/sri%20lanka/education%20and%20science
Wha, L. J. (2014, September 16). Why we must invest more in education. Retrieved from World Economic Forum: http://forumblog.org/2014/09/invest-in-education-income-inequality/
Williams, J. H., & Cummings, W. K. (2005). Policy Making for Education Reform in Developing Countries Volume I. Maryland: Scarecrow Education.




Wednesday, December 24, 2014

Education and Development: Scholarly Perspectives

Development of a country is a complex phenomenon, and it depends on multitude of factors. The extent to which a country can make best use of its economic resources for economic prosperity is affected by--but not limited to--political centralization and administrative decentralization, political and economic institutions, political stability, technology and human capital through education. In this article, I will be dealing with the last term, which, in economics, refers to the knowledge, skills, experience, training, and wisdom possessed by all individuals in a population.

Education has long been viewed as the guarantor of security, status, wealth, and personal well-being.  It is reiterated by researches that a country can enjoy sustained prosperity only when it undergoes large-scale investment in education (Fischer & Berger, 2014). Other research affirms that the return on investment in education in developing countries is twice as much as in developed countries (Pscacharopoulous, 1994, pp. 1325-1343), and, for this reason, education may perhaps be more important in developing countries.

Surprisingly, there is a wide range of literature dealing with education and economic prosperity of countries, some deny the relationship while others reaffirm it. Academic researchers prior to the twenty first century are inclined to reject the claim about the correlation between higher educational attainment and the increases in the GDP per capita income of the country, William Easterly being the major one. However, there is an agreement among contemporary researchers and experts in the claim that education plays a key part in growth of the country.  Former Prime Minister of Great Britain, Gordon Brown, in the World Economic Forum assert that education is very important for today’s world in which human capital is as important as physical capital and assets (Brown, 2014). He is one of the many to point out the imperative of education in an industrialized and knowledge-based world.  As to the issue of educational policies in developing areas, continuous adjustment in education policies is seen and researches do not have a vocal opinion on as to what educational policy can work best in developing areas.

There has been a massive expansion in access to education throughout the developing countries in last four and a half decades. The median primary enrollment rate increased from 80 percent  in 1960 to 99  percent in 1990, and the median secondary enrollment rate increased from 13 percent to 45 percent in 1990 (Easterly, 2001, p. 73). 
Similarly, between 1999 and 2006, the primary school enrollment rates in East and South Asia increased from 75 percent to 88 percent and from 54 percent to 70 percent in Sub Saharan Africa; while -between 1995 and 2008- secondary gross enrollment ratios increased from 44 to 51 percent in South Asia, from 44 percent to 51 percent in sub-Saharan Africa and from 64 percent to 74 percent in East Asia (Banerjee & Duflo, 2011, p. 74).

Despite the massive educational expansion in poor countries, the median growth rate of poor countries has fallen over time:  “the growth of output per worker was 3 percent in the 1960s, 2.5 percent in 1970s, -0.5 percent in 1980s and 0 percent in 1990s” (Easterly, 2001, p. 74). Several studies show the lack of association between growth in schooling and GDP growth. Easterly (2001) in  The Elusive Quest for Growth -standing on the research by his contemporary scholars- argues that investment in education in developing countries has  not helped them grow economically. The study by Pritchett (1999) constructs a series of research on the growth in capital and can find “no positive association between growth in education and growth of output per worker” (Pritchett, 1999, pp. 223-239). Similarly, studies from Benhabib and Spiegel in 1994, found no co-relation between level of schooling in laborers and increase in GDP per capita (Jess & Spiegel, 1994, pp. 143-173) , and  Klenow and Rodriguez- Clare (1997) and Barro and Sala-i-Martin (1995) also found no relationship between growth per capita and the change in secondary schooling and higher schooling years.  An empirical evidence that the average growth decrement from the 1960s to 1990s despite the increase in education levels supports the claim made by these researchers. What could explain these results? It is argued by scholars that expanding education resulted in large school systems of low quality in many developing countries.  School facilities were of poor quality, teachers were incompetent, and learning materials became insufficient in number. High proportion of children enrolled in the school, but there was a low, if any, competition among the students. It was evident that provision of schools and high enrollment were insufficient for quality education (Williams & Cummings, 2005, p. XVII).

However, Economist Gregory Mankiw of Harvard, revising on an earlier work by Barro, Sala-I –Martin and himself in 1995 and by Romer, Weil and himself in 1992 suggested that income in long run is determined by saving in form of physical and human capital. He had used the percentage of children in secondary school as his measure of human capital. In his research there is strong evidence to suggest that “as much as 78 percent of the per capita income differences among countries is due to human capital” (Mankiw, 1995, pp. 275-326).  There are several contradiction to Mankiw’s proposition though. For instance, nine times higher per capita income of USA in 2000 over Ukraine in same period does not comply with the 97 percent secondary enrollment of United States to 92 percent secondary enrollment in Ukraine (Easterly, 2001, p. 74).

In what was a counterargument to claim about poor correlation between education and development in poor developing countries, the 1997 World Development Report of the World Bank attributed that the commitment of East Asian countries’ to public funding for basic education was the basis of their economic development (Easterly, 2001, p. 72). What could possibly explain different end results in different countries with different economic standards? Acemoglu & Robinson (2013) make a claim that implementation of policies and courses of action are problems associated with political and educational institutions. In their book, Why Nations Fail, they write:
 Implementing meaningful changes is a difficult task when institutions are the cause of the problems in the first place. It is not always the corrupt politicians or powerful business undermining institutional reforms, but rather the local administrative officers and teachers who were able to sabotage development economists’ scheme… Attempting to engineer prosperity without confronting root cause of the problem is unlikely to bear fruit. (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2013, p. 450)

Researchers on the field of education propose two prominent theories which may explain root causes of failure of implementing good educational system, in addition to institutions. Demand theory asserts that demand for education emerges and supply follows only when there is a real demand for the skills generated from education. When there is a supply of educated labor and no demand for it, there will be a decrease in quality of education as parents will not care about their children’s education because they know that the benefits from education are low (Banerjee & Duflo, 2011, pp. 72-76). In a milieu where there is no demand for educated human capital, and thus no incentive for being in school, “students will goof off in the classroom or sometimes not show up at all, parents will often pull their children away to work on the farm, and the teachers will spend their time away as overqualified babysitters” (Easterly, 2001, p. 82). Furthermore, the lack of demand means that country will “have highly educated taxi drivers”, or that country will faces a problem of brain drain through immigration of educated human capital to rich countries where they can get better value of their education. Conversely, incentive theory tells us that “having the government force [students] to go to school does not change [students’ and their parents’] incentives to invest in future” (Easterly, 2001, pp. 72-73). But when there is a demand for educated human capital, an economy with incentives to invest in the future will be created. Then, the enrollment in school will go up, parents will show interest in their children’s education and teachers will have better incentive to teach well.  Government should facilitate an environment in which investing in business requiring educated manpower is made easier (Easterly, 2001, pp. 72-82).

References:
Acemoglu, D., & Robinson, J. A. (2013). Why Nation Fails. New York: Crown Bussiness.
Banjaree, A. V., & Duflo, E. (2011). Poor Economics. New York: publicaffairs in paper.
Brown, G. (2014, September 3). How Can Every Child Get an Education. Retrieved from World Economic Forum: http://forumblog.org/2014/09/universal-education/
Easterly, W. (2001). The Elusive Quest for Growth. Cambridge, Massachuttes : The MIT Press.
Fischer, P., & Berger, N. (2014). A Well-Educated Workforce Is Key to State Prosperity. Washington DC: Economic Policy Institute. Retrieved November 16, 2014, from http://www.epi.org/publication/states-education-productivity-growth-foundations/
Jess, B., & Spiegel, M. (1994). Role of Human Capital in Economic Development Evidence from Aggregate Cross- Country Data. Journal of Monetary Economics 34, 143-173.
Lee, J.-W., & Franciscob, R. (2012). Human capital accumulation in emerging Asia, 1970–2030. Japan and the World Econmy Volume 24, Issue 2, 76-86.
Mankiw, G. N. (1995). The Growth of Nations. Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1, 275-326.
Pritchett, L. (1999, April). What Education Production Function Really Show: A Positive Theory of Education Spending. Economics of Education Review 18.2, pp. 223-239.
Pscacharopoulous, G. (1994). Return to Investment in Education : A global Update. World Development 22, 1325-1343.
Wha, L. J. (2014, September 16). Why we must invest more in education. Retrieved from World Economic Forum: http://forumblog.org/2014/09/invest-in-education-income-inequality/
Williams, J. H., & Cummings, W. K. (2005). Policy Making for Education Reform in Developing Countries Volume I. Maryland: Scarecrow Education.


Tuesday, December 23, 2014

Kazakhstan and its Implication in Economic Prosperity of Nepal

Kazakhstan is the ninth largest country and largest landlocked country of the world. It is 27th most corrupt country of the world and ranks forty position behind Botswana in the ranking of economic freedom published by the Heritage Foundation. The country has been ruled by same president- Nursultan Nazarbayev- since its separation from Soviet Union in 1991.  The president has slashed free media so as to make it non existential, has arrested opposition leaders, and “has passed laws making it impossible for new political parties to form” (infoplease). It is not difficult to surmise, in light of these evaluations of Kazakhstan’s political aspects, the motivation for making of the film BORAT even though the slandering of political and social aspects of Kazakhstan is a massive hyperbole in the film! 

The book Why Nations Fail completely ignores Kazakhstan when describing extractive institutions in Central Asia but if Corruption Perception Index for Kazakhstan is any indication of level of extractive political institutions, it definitely is exacerbate.   “[Kazakhstan] is a part of current mosaic societies under extractive institutions, and unfortunately it has many commonalities with other Soviet Socialist Republics- Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, [Uzbekistan] and Turkmenistan” (Robinson & Acemoglu, 2013, p. 372). Despite all these factors, Kazakhstan is the richest central Asian per capita with GDP per capita (PPP) of 13,200 US dollars as of 2013. How could Kazakhstan -but no other countries listed above- achieve an economic growth of above eight percent despite lacking sound political institutions? We will answer this questions at the end of the article, but let us first review what literature tells us in this regard.

Some scholars- prominent of which are Acemoglu and Robinson-assert that inclusive economic and political institutions are very important because economic growth and prosperity are associated with inclusive political and economic institutions as we mentioned in the case of Botswana. They claim that geography and resources alone cannot determine prosperity of the country, but it is upon economic and political institutions of the country which leads the country into greater economic growth.  The United States being richer today than geographically well suited and resource rich Mexico or Peru (Ibid, p. 42), the contrast of economic development of South and North Korea (Ibid, p. 75) and rapid economic development of countries such as Singapore, Malaysia and Botswana despite having a very hot climate (Ibid, p.49) are arguments in favor of institutions over geography and economic resources.

 However, resource rich countries such as Russia, Iran, Saudi Arabia or Venezuela have achieved satisfactory economic progress in spite of what we would call as extractive institutions and restricted economies. This phenomenon has led Thomas L. Friedman to devise the first law of Petro politics, which states that democracy and oil- an important economic resource or perhaps the most important- do not mix (Friedman, 2006). Other research suggests that oil wealth impedes the democratic transformation in authoritarian states and that “oil wealth lengthens the tenure of authoritarian rulers, although this result is somewhat fragile” (Ross, 2008), oil rich Kazakhstan, as we will explore later, being no exception.  Moreover, these countries are unlikely to go through  a "fundamental transformation" of extractive institutions towards inclusive institutions, for their economic growth is generated by "the increase in the value of the natural resources" (Robinson & Acemoglu, 2013, p. 445).  

Institutional explanation does not account for the reason of Kazakhstan’s prosperity but the explanation from resources perspective does. Kazakhstan is a one of the resource richest country per capita as it has the every single element of Mendeleev's periodic table on their land. On top of that, it has an abundant supply of uranium(first) petroleum and natural gas(11th largest reserve in the world), potassium (main export), uranium, chromium,  lead, and zinc (second largest reserves in the world) , manganese(third largest reserve), copper(fifth largest reserves) and coal, iron, and gold(ranks in the top ten) ,and to a less extent  diamond (Mineral Wealth, 2013).  

Nepal is different from Kazakhstan or Botswana for it underwent civil war and political restructuring after adoption of democracy in 1951.  An explanation is that Nepal lacked as much economic resource as Kazakhstan, modern technological advancement and industrialization to spearhead economic boom in the country as Kazakhstan did. In addition to lack of as much economic resources as Kazakhstan, the failure of economic boom in Nepal, as we discussed in the earlier post, was because of short-sightedness of Ranas and political players thereafter, which made the country devoid of creative destruction in industrialization, technology and education sector. While the economic boom in Kazakhstan has held back Kazakh from revolting against its extractive political institutions, the relative deprivation in Nepal led to civil war, political instability, and lower economic growth.

So, we can conclude that inclusive political and economic institutions in conglomeration with economic resources pave a way for virtuous cycle of economic prosperity and political stability. While countries with extractive political institutions in conglomeration with large economic resources can produce a large economic growth and maintain political stability, countries without substantial economic resources may fall in a vicious trap of failure to establish an inclusive institution, to remove extractive institutions, to maintain political stability and to have a high economic growth.It seems there is no alternative to embracing inclusive political and economic institutions in Nepal.

Note:
Extractive institutions are meant to benefit the selected few by extracting from many,while inclusive institutions, on the other hand, distribute power in a pluralistic manner, enact rules of law, and encourage investment in new technologies and skills which are conducive to pluralistic  economic growth.

References:
Friedman, T. L. (2006, May 1). The first law of petropolitics. Retrieved from Foreign Policy: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2006/04/25/the_first_law_of_petropolitics
infoplease. (n.d.). Retrieved from Kazakhstan : http://www.infoplease.com/country/kazakhstan.html?pageno=3
Mineral Wealth. (2013). Retrieved from Bussiness and Econmy: http://prosites-kazakhembus.homestead.com/mineralwealth.html
Robinson, A. J., & Acemoglu, D. (2013). Why Nations Fail. New York: Public Affairs in Papers.
Rodrik, D. (2003). In search of Prosperity. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Ross, M. (2008). Retrieved from CiteSeer: http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.387.1268

Monday, December 22, 2014

The Curious Case of Botswana: A Lesson for Nepal

Botswana is an anomaly in that it, despite being a landlocked country in sub Saharan Africa, has very high per capita income- even higher than that of prosperous countries in Latin America or Asia. It is the richest country in Sub African Africa per capita with GDP per capita (PPP) of 16,200 US dollars. It will be in my scope to unfold the reasons for its economic prosperity and to understand its implication for Nepal- a land-locked country in South Asia with similar background. Our first task would be to demystify the anomaly by looking at its history.

Botswana benefitted from a pre-colonial institutional inheritance that was not removed during the period of colonial influence (Rodrik, 2003, p. 107). When most of African, South American or South Asian countries were colonized and exploited by European superpowers, Botswana, by a tactful diplomacy of its founding fathers, avoided the indirect rule of the British and furthermore subverted worse consequences that would have befallen their way if Rhodes had succeeded in capturing their land (Robinson & Acemoglu, 2013, pp. 404-413). Nepal was also neither colonized by any economic superpower of the world, nor had major influences from them. The concrete answer for higher economic growth in Botswana, thus, lies in the inclusive political and economic institutions Botswana has adopted since its independence in 1966 -when it was one of the one poorest country in the world.

In the book The Great Escape, Angus Deaton cautions present day rich countries which had developed in their own way under their own political and economic structures to make sure that they do not impede poor countries in emulating what these countries had done to accumulate wealth (Deaton, 2013, pp. 312-324). Erik Reinert would have concurred to Deaton’s argument as he proposes  emulation rather than comparative advantage as the recipe of successful development (Reinert, 2009, p. xxiii). He refers to the quote:
“The nineteenth century saying in the USA was: Do not do as the English tell you to do, do as the English did. Now the saying for [other developing countries] would translate to:  Do not do as the [rich countries or their associates] tell you to do, do as [they] did” (Ibid, p.168).


Botswanan leaders hit “nail on head” in directing their country by associating with a suggestion for developing countries. Botswana exhibited many similarities in political and economic development of England for Botswana achieved rapid political centralization, had its coalitions against an extractive institutions, adopted sound economic policies, and provided private property rights to encourage investment and economic development. The wise and foresighted leadership of Sereste Khama also accounts for a success story of Botswana, for he did not try to enrich himself at the expense of the inclusive institutions and creative destruction from which the country was to benefit (Rodrik, 2003, p. 13). For that matter, “Botswana is particularly lucky that their leader was Sereste Khama and not Siaka Stevens of Sierra Leone, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe” (Robinson & Acemoglu, 2013, p. 413)  or Rana Prime Minister of Nepal. Granted that the economic boom in Botswana has been made possible on a foundation of diamond mining, country ,however, would not  have had economic prosperity they witnessed, if it was not for inclusive political institutions and subsequent policies generated from such institutions.  Let us now ponder upon the political history of Nepal.

Nepal was quite an isolated country until 1951. Before 1951, the country was ruled by elitist Rana brothers under Kings, and they consolidated their power by shielding any form of development within the national borders. The theme of the book Elusive Quest to Growth suggests prosperity as a combination of right incentives and intentions. That is to say prosperity happens when there are right intentions in agents responsible for economic growth and when the agents of economic growth provides incentives for its population to engage in activities of economic development.  Government, in this case, needs to have the right intentions and needs to create incentives for its population to instigate the creative destruction such that there is an adaptation of technology and an investment in complex machines and high quality schooling (Easterly, 2001, pp. 285-291).

Ranas feared creative destruction as it could potentially have endangered their political power, they had no intentions for development, and they failed to create incentives for people to have a growth mindset. Rana system was, what Ram Sharan Mahat in his book In Defense of Democracy wrote, “undisguised despotism with absolute total control over all forms of public life” (Mahat, 2005, p. 45) with no or little leeway for aspects of development.   Once Rana were ousted from power in 1951, one form of the extractive institutions was replaced by another and Nepal missed an opportunity to imbed pluralistic elements in politics primarily because copying a model of inclusive institutions without unprecedented critical junctures in the political process is very difficult, and secondarily because Nepal lacked the likes of selfless nationalistic leaders like Botswanan Khama. Back and forth shuffling from a party less system to a democratic regime and “sporadic-ephemeral democratic governments” in the process could not stabilize politics, which catalyzed a civil war and a complete political restructuring from monarchy to federal republic state in 2008 from a liaison of actors of the civil war and disgruntled political parties.

Alongside institutions, a major explanation for lower economy definitely is Nepal’s lack of chief economic resources- substantial gold and diamond mines or a reserve of oil or natural gas- and lack of large manufacturing industry. Nepal’s main economic activity is agriculture but Nepal has no significant net exports of agricultural products. Let us understand the role of- what economist and politicians in Nepal call an optimism in Nepalese economy- hydroelectricity sector in our economy. Investment in hydroelectricity was thwarted by the political instability of the country, and Nepal was able to generate around 800 MW electricity of potential 83,000 MW in a period of a century.
Because of the differences in institutions,  Botswana is the least corrupt country in Africa and its position is even better than some of European countries such as Italy, Portugal or Greece, while Nepal ranks 116th   on corruption perception index of 2013(Fineey, 2013).  On foundation of good institutions again, Botswana is twenty seventh most free country economically while Nepal is one of least economically free country in the world. Despite being a sparsely populated, agriculturally deficient, dominantly tropical, landlocked country in a very “precarious geopolitical location”, Botswana has been experiencing rapid economic growth by African standards because it possessed the right institutions right after independence and implemented sound policies in place (Rodrik, 2003, p. 113), while Nepal is settled to have one twelfth of GDP and a slower economic growth than that of Botswana due to the lack of sound political and economic institutions.

I will compare Nepal with Kazakhstan, another landlocked but a rich central Asian country, in next post.   

Note:
Extractive institutions are meant to benefit the selected few by extracting from many,while inclusive institutions, on the other hand, distribute power in a pluralistic manner, enact rules of law, and encourage investment in new technologies and skills which are conducive to pluralistic  economic growth.

References:
Deaton, A. (2013). The Great Escape . Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University 
Easterly, W. (2001). The Elusive Quest for Growth. Cambridge and London: The MIT Press.
Fineey, M. (2013, December 3). Botswana Again Ranked as the Least Corrupt Country in Africa. Retrieved from reason.com: http://reason.com/blog/2013/12/03/botswana-again-ranked-as-the-least-corru
Mahat, R. S. (2005). In Defense of Democracy. Kathmandu: Adriot Publishers.
Reinert, E. (2009). How Rich Countries Got Rich and Why Poor Countries Stay Poor. New York: Public Affairs in Paper.
Robinson, A. J., & Acemoglu, D. (2013). Why Nations Fail. New York: Public Affairs in Papers.
Rodrik, D. (2003). In search of Prosperity. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.