Sunday, August 23, 2020

सर, यी डाँडा पाखामा विकास सम्भव होला त?

 'सर, यी डाँडा पाखाहरूमा विकास सम्भव होला त?' उहाँको यस प्रश्नमा छुट्टै गहनता थियो। यसले प्रत्येक ग्रामीण भेगका मानिसमा भएको विकासको तीव्र चाहानालाई उजागर गर्दथ्यो।

मैले देखेका विकसित डाँडापाखाले भरिएका भूपरिवेष्टित देशहरू अस्ट्रिया र स्विजरल्याण्डको विकास सम्झँदै भनेँ, 'होला नि दाइ, पालो आउँला नि। अस्ट्रिया र स्विजरल्याण्डको पनि यस्तै त हुन् नि! विकास भएकै छन्।'

मेरो उत्तर भुइँमा खस्न नपाउँदै मरो गाउँले दाइले कुरा थप्नु भयो, 'सर, आफूले त छोराछोरीलाई अस्ट्रेलिया, अमेरिका, युरोप त के काठमाडौँ, पोखरा पठाउन पनि सक्दिनँ होला।

छुट्टी भिन्नपछिका १० वर्ष खाडीमा बिताएर जोडन सकेको यही एउटा घरबारी र सडकले नछोएको त्यो १० मुरी धान दिने खेत हो,' भिरालो फाटका खेतका गरो देखाउँदै उहाँले कुरा थप्नु भयो, 'छोरो ३ वर्षको लाग्यो, यो जवान हुँदा म जस्तै जीविका उपार्जनका लागि खाडी जान नपरोस्। मेरो रहर मेरो सन्तानले यिनै आफ्ना डाँडा पाखामा, आफ्नै माटोमा गौरवका साथ बाँच्न सकोस् भन्ने हो।'

नेताहरू खै कुन-कुन जाती देश बनाउँछु भन्थे त! खै त के भयो विकास देशमा, गाउँमा? स्कुलको गुणस्तर उस्तै छ, बाटा घाटा उस्तै छन्, मानिसहरू श्रम गर्न दिनहुँ विदेश जानै परिरहेको छ। डाँडापाखा चिथोर्दै पहाडका टुप्पामा डोजर त पुर्‍याए तर फेरि त्यही काम गर्न अर्को वर्ष पनि गर्नु पर्‍यो भने के अर्थ भयो? राजनीतिक प्रणाली परिवर्तन भनेको आफ्ना आसेपासे पोस्ने कुरा मात्र त रहेछ नि, सर।'



म अवाक् भएँ। मैले उहाँसँग प्रतिवाद गर्ने हिम्मत गरिन। उहाँको भनाइको मर्म म बुझ्दथेँ किनकि स्थानीय स्तरमा क्षमता/ संसाधन र मानिसका अपेक्षाहरूबिच ठुलो खाडल छ। उहाँले भने जस्तो राजनीतिक, नीतिगत, संवैधानिक वा वस्तुगत विकास चाहिँ नभएको चाहिँ अवश्य होइन, तर जुन गतिका साथ हुनुपर्ने हो त्यो गतिका साथ भएन।

१० वर्षमा पाँच गुणाको आर्थिक हैसियत, गाउँका सबै ग्रामीण सडक कालोपत्रे, घर-घरमा रोजगारी, धनी-गरिब बीचको खाडलको अन्त्य, तीव्र गतिमा आर्थिक संवृद्धि हुने जस्ता गुलाबी सपनाहरूले नेपाली जनतालाई आशा जगाएका हुन्। तर विडम्बना, राजनीतिक नेतृत्वले बाचा गरेका कायापलटका सपनाहरूलाई नेपाली जनताले खासै मूर्त रूपमा महशुस गर्न सकेनन्।

देश विकास गर्न सबैभन्दा पहिले त नेतृत्व तहमा रहेका नेताहरूमा स्पष्ट लक्ष्य र सो हासिल गर्ने यथार्थपरक कार्यदिशा हुनुपर्छ। तर अहिले, हामीकहाँ राजनीतिक वृत्तमा दिगो विकासको बारेमा यथार्थपरक विश्लेषण नै हुन सकेको छैन। अझ, देश विकासको महत्त्वाकांक्षालाई सामर्थ्यले पुष्टि गर्न सकेन।


हामी कुन गतिले विकास गर्न सक्छौँ, कति विकास गर्न सक्छौँ? हाम्रो क्षमता कति हो भन्ने कुरा जनतालाई स्पष्ट रूप यथार्थ परक रूपमा हाम्रो नेतृत्वले भन्न सक्यो त? अनि जब यी राजनीतिक वाचाहरू पूरा हुने लक्षण देखिँदैनन्, जनताले नेतृत्व प्रति कुण्ठा किन व्यक्त नगरुन्? 'देश बिगारेको यी नै नेताहरूले हो!' यसले हामीलाई बढेको कर, भत्केको सडक, फेल भएका विद्यार्थी, ढिलो भएका योजना मात्र देख्ने बनायो।

फेरि उहाँले थप्नु भयो 'सर, अनि विदेश फेरि कहिले जाने, काठमाडौँ किन नबसेको?' उहाँको प्रश्नको भाव गाउँका थुप्रै अरूको जस्तै गाउँमा मैले समय बरबाद पारिरहेको छु भन्ने थियो। तर मलाई त जरो बुझ्नु थियो। मेरो परिचय दिने जरो अनि उहाँले चाहेको विकासको जरो।

यी जराहरू बुझ्ने रहर चार वर्ष अघि नै सुरु भएको थियो। त्यो यस्तो समय थियो जहाँ म जीवन, जगत् र विकासको बारेमा जिज्ञासा राख्दथेँ। इन्जिनियरिङ पढ्न अमेरिका गएको म मेरो देश र अमेरिकाको विकासको अन्तरले यति प्रभावित बनायो कि, मलाई विकास पद्दति बुझ्न मन लाग्यो र लम्किरहेको गोरेटो मोडेर राजनीति शास्त्र र अर्थतन्त्र केन्द्रित 'लिबरल आर्ट्स' संकाय रोजेँ।

यो निर्णयको प्रक्रियामा दुई कुराले मुख्य भूमिका खेले। मेरो पहिलो बुझाई यो रह्यो कि खुसी जीवनको सार हो र हाम्रो खुसी हामीले ख्याल गर्ने व्यक्तिहरूको खुसी/सुखको माध्यमबाट आउँछ। मैले गरेको दोस्रो अनुभूति यो हो कि हाम्रो जीवन एक सन्देश हो, यात्रा हो तर गन्तव्य होइन। मैले मनन गरेँ कि २००-किमी प्रति घण्टा I-२० लेनमा मर्सिडीज चलाउँदा मलाई खुसी हुँदैन, जब मेरा नातेदारहरूले एक जोडी चप्पल किन्न संघर्ष गर्नुपर्छ।

राम्रो जिपिए प्राप्त गरेर वा स्थिर आम्दानी मात्र खुसीको स्थायी स्रोत हुँदैन, जब समान शैक्षिक योग्यता भएका विद्यार्थीहरूले मध्य पूर्वी देशहरूमा घोटिनु पर्दछ। पढाई सकिएपछि पनि म विकासको जरो बुझ्न सरक्कै गाउँमा बसेँ। दुई विद्यालयमा स्वयंसेवक शिक्षक भएर दिनको ६ घण्टी पढाएँ। यस अनुभवले मलाई ग्रामीण क्षेत्रको राजनीति, सामाजिक-अर्थव्यवस्था, शिक्षा, स्थानीय शासन र उनीहरूको आपसी सम्बन्ध बुझ्न मद्दत पुर्‍यायो।

मेरो कोरा किताबी ज्ञानको एक थरी 'स्कुल अफ थट्सले' भन्थ्यो- विकासका लागि स्रोत, समावेशिता, समान हक र अधिकार, प्रतिस्पर्धा, राजनैतिक स्थिरता र शिक्षित जनशक्ति आवश्यक हुन्छ। तर मैले गाउँमा अझै पनि महिलामाथिको दमन देखेँ, दलितमाथिको विभेद देखेँ, शिक्षा प्रतिको वितृष्णा देखेँ, अनि आसेपासे तन्त्र देखेँ।

हाम्रो व्यवस्था फेरिए पनि मूल कुरा विकासका जरो स्थापित गर्ने सोच, व्यवहार र पद्द्तीहरुमा परिवर्तन ल्याउन एकदमै जरुरी रहेछ। नेपालमा अवसर धेरै कम, प्रतिस्पर्धा धेरै छ। राम्रो अवसर को खोजीमा गाउँबाट सहर पस्नु पर्ने, अनि सहरबाट विदेशिनु पर्ने बाध्यता छन्। आसेपासे तन्त्र डरलाग्दो तरिकाले गाडिएको छ।

सानो विकास योजनाको सदस्यको नियुक्तिदेखि ठुला ठेक्कापट्टा पनि राजनीतिक पहुँचको आधारमा हुने गर्छन्। पहुँच हुनेलाई सजिलो, नहुनेलाई धेरै गाह्रो। अनि पलायन हुन खोज्यो भनेर गुनासो गर्ने ठाउँ नै पनि कहाँ रह्यो र?

केही हप्ता अगाडि उही दाइले फेसबुकमा एउटा मेसेज पठाउनु भो। 'सर, देशमा त के हुने भयो खै? देश नै बेच्न खोजे। ऋण मात्र बढ्यो भन्छन्। पढे लेखेका सबै बाहिर, यी नेताहरूको त कामै भएन।'

तर उही विकास चाहने दाइले फेरि किन कुरा बुझ्न सक्नु भएन त। किनभने हामी विरोधाभासमा बाँचिराखेका छौँ। हामी धनी हुने चाहना राख्छौँ, तर ऋण चाहन्नौँ। हामी विकसित हुन चाहन्छौँ तर सहयोग लिन चाहँदैनौ। हामी दक्ष जनशक्ति नेपाल फर्किउन पनि भन्छौँ, तर मन को सानो कुनामा यहाँ धेरै नबसुन् भन्ने पनि चाहन्छौँ। हामी दोष नेतालाई थुपार्छौ अनि आफूलाई दूधले नुहाएको सम्झन्छौँ। हामी लक्ष्य राख्छौँ तर लिनुपर्ने बाटो नाप्न विलम्ब गर्छौँ। मोही माग्छौँ, ढुङ्ग्रो लुकाउँछौँ।

मेरो कोरा ज्ञानले यो पनि भन्छ- अब विश्व अर्थतन्त्रको गुरुत्व एसियातर्फ ढल्कँदै छ। छिमेकी भारत र चीनको विश्व अर्थतन्त्र र राजनीतिमा बढ्दो हैसियतसँगै स्थिर, अखण्ड र समावेशी नेपाल केही दशकमा पश्चिमी युरोपका समृद्ध देशहरूका बीचमा रहेका भूपरिवेष्टित देशहरू जसरी नै सेवा प्रदायक अर्थतन्त्रको आडमा विकसित देश बन्न सक्छ।

त्यसैले कम्तीमा म आशावादी छु। मेरा लागि, मेरा गाउँका दाइका सन्ततिहरूका लागि, आज को भोलि होइन लामो दौरानमा। तर, यसका लागि हामी पनि सुध्रनु नि पर्छ, आफ्नो माटोको विकासका लागि।

(यो लेख सेतोपाटीमा August 23, 2020 मा प्रकाशित भएको थियो।) 


Sunday, August 16, 2020

Revisiting Local Governance

With the formulation of the new Constitution of Nepal in 2015 and the successful election of the local governments in 2017, the people had expectations that the service delivery would be at their doorsteps, colloquially said in political discourse as "Ghar-Ghar ma Singha Durbar." The newly elected representatives filled about 16-years of vacuum at the local level and expected to manage the socio-economic and governance-related expectations of the locals. The reachability of the local governance along with the inclusive nature of the local government, with the constitutional mandate for the representation of women and marginalized groups, on paper, had the promises of meeting the objectives of better service delivery, inclusive development through broader participation, political accountability, and ownership of the government. However, more than three years into the federal structure, these promises merit an empirical evaluation. Moreover, the performance of the local governments begs a thorough reflection on the question of how far these promises have been realized in a seemingly new political context and how the local governments can revisit themselves to fulfill the local expectations, especially during the time of global crisis like COVID-19 and beyond.

 

The Problems

There is a huge gap between the capacity and resources at the local level and the expectations of the people. This gap is, in part, driven by the rosy ungrounded promises of overnight economic prosperity after a system would be enacted, after a party held the majority or after a politician came to power. The disappointment is manifesting in the form of public's disapproval of the workings of the local government and the federalization in general. The difference between what could realistically be achieved and what was promised is just one part.  Even for the realistic part, there is this lack of capacity on the part of the local representatives and the bureaucrats for effective public service and development planning.  The development planning seems to be marred by the traditional one-year centralized module without due consideration to the long term planning and the balance between social, economic, and infrastructural sectors.  Another particular problem is the lack of sustainable practice of physical development, with a large portion of budget being spent on infrastructural development particularly in the roads, only to be needing a budget for the same work the next year.


Photo Credit: ADB

 

For the lack of relevant data and prior practices, the local governments have not been able to use evidence-based practiceswide criticism of the local level’s distribution of relief during Covid-19 being one prime example. The arbitrary nature of relief distribution in the absence of reliable data on the economically vulnerable group left many into doubting whether the people who most needed the relief were the ones getting it. The perceived partiality in relief distribution caused people to protest even at the times of lockdown. Some people went as far as to assault the local representatives and to vandalize the local government offices, venting their frustrations over the poor quality of relief material and irregularities in procurement and distribution of the same. The incidents of this nature relating to relief distribution were widespread across the country with at least 72 latent or violent incidents during the lockdown recorded in NepalMonitor. This is just an example of haphazard program delivery at the local level.

This brings us to the third concern of transparency and accountability which has been raised in the local level governance processes, at the rate higher than ever. The result of the survey undertaken by the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority(CIAA) in the January of 2020 suggests that corruption is thriving at the local level, with more than 50 percent of the respondents claiming that the corruption at the local level has either remained the same or has increased. Similarly, of the 20,000 complaints filed at the CIAA for the 2018/2019 fiscal year, 23 percent of those complaints were related to the local levels. On top of that, a report published in January 2019 showed that municipalities and rural municipalities were the second most corrupt entities after land revenue offices. These statistics show the sorry state of corruption at the local level.

The Opportunities

 

One way to contain corruption is to create a functioning check and balance mechanism through a  political competition for the service delivery but the political competition also has its pitfalls. There may be an almost two-thirds majority in the federal government, but the composition of the local government is rather politically diverse. The diversity has manifested in political competition for the development infrastructure, resource allocation, and political appointment at the local level. Often at some local level, the tension within the local representatives and between the local representatives and the bureaucrats has spilled into the shutdown of the office or caused impedance towards the general service delivery to the public for a long period of time. There is no excuse for the competition which hampers public service delivery mechanisms for a long period of time, but conflicts are inevitable in politics and in governance. Therefore, the healthy political competition is better than the collusion between the local level stakeholders which creates a deadweight loss of efficiency.

 

Secondly, a strong civic engagement, which can demand transparency uninvited, is necessary to act as a watchdog to contain corruption.  When the local levels do not readily deliver their promises, the watchdog should be able to demand social audits for accountability, transparency about financial reports and planning of the budget, and create a two-way dialogue between citizens and the local level officials. There is also an urgent need to increase the capacity of these citizens’ groups to monitor the roles and functions of the local governments, and take judicious actions when needed.



Now coming back to the problem of capacity at the local level, it seems imperative for the government to appoint human resources with the knowledge of development planning and to channel the appropriate resources towards such capacity building to spearhead the development planning at the local level. When this is done, the local level can better address the social development needs of the local people such as quality education, health, and social safety net. The bureaucrats with development planning orientation will be more able to adopt and advocate for a balanced development plan with evidence-based approaches.

 

At a time when the future of federalism is being called into question due to the economic burden of federalism and rampant corruption at the local level, the argument for the need of federalism will be strengthened if the role of local governments in crisis management as this pandemic proves to be pivotal. To that end, the local government, for the most part, has taken the commendable steps in disseminating awareness about the COVID-19, setting up quarantines, distributing relief to the economically vulnerable group, and working closely with the professional in the health sector in response to COVID-19. It would have been very difficult to deliver these services if the void in the local governance existed in this pandemic. The work for the local government, however, has only begun in response to COVID-19. With an active population now returning to the country or having to stay in the country at least until the pandemic settles, the local government has the responsibility to engage this active population in entrepreneurial activities or local development activities to stir up the economy.

 

Lastly, the success of the local governance depends on the symbiotic relationship between the service providers and the service seekers. Local governments cannot be successful until and unless elected representatives do not adequately respond to the needs, concerns, and grievances of people, especially those who are at the margins for a long time. However, local governments still have a long way to go for ensuring a pro-people and deliberative democracy with strong priority towards recognizing the voice of citizens and their meaningful empowerment. There is a slim hope that this COVID-19 crisis has taught a lesson to all the local government leaders to rethink their priorities and act accordingly in the post-pandemic context.


I co-authored this article with  Prakash Bhattarai. The article was originally published in myRepublica on August 16, 2020. 

Wednesday, August 5, 2020

Why NCP's Split is a bad idea for the factions and the country at large?

There were the hopes of political stability after the now-merged Nepal Communist Party(NCP) won the general election in 2017 with almost a two-thirds majority. However, the internal conflict of Nepal Communist Party(NCP) is at its peak and the signs are telling that the NCP might collapse in the weight of its own success. Should that happen, the split would mean that the NCP fails to rescue the country out of political instability and fails to stand up to the expectations of the left-leaning populace. On top of that, the split would also be a blow to some of the progressive agendas and the promise of "Happy Nepalese and Prosperous Nepal" championed by the communist-led leftist government.

 

Nepalese politics has witnessed the series of political upheavals after the restoration of multi-party democracy in 1990. After failing to manage the intra-party political disputes and to control the corruption and mal-governance, the prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala called for the mid-term election in 1994, three years in to the government. The politics of Nepal took a bumpy journey ever since and the current political development surrounding NCP interestingly shares the same crossroads Girija Prasad Koirala faced in 1994. 

Picture Credit: myRepublica


Nepal saw twenty-two different governments, majority of those lasting for less than a year, in a span of twenty-four years from 1994 to the 2018. The political instability coupled with the failure to deliver the public expectation made a way for a 10-year-long Maoist insurgency beginning in 1996 which took 16000 lives and a soft coup from the then King Gyanendra in 2005. It seemed all rosy after the Maoists joined the peace process in 2006 and after the people's mass revolution established the country as a federal democratic republic. However, it took two rounds of elections for constitution assembly to finally deliver the contentious constitution after much deliberation for 7 years. 

 

The NCP leadership should critically look at the critical juncture of 1994 which paved the way for decades of instability. The split of NCP, at this point, would risk the party of instigating another round of instability in the country through destabilization of the executive branch of the government in the central and provincial governments.   

 

NCP has an almost two-third majority in the parliament. On close inspection though, the voter base of the closest rival Nepali Congress and the larger party of the coalition, Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist) (CPN(UML)), is almost even. CPN(Maoist Center) and CPN(UML) ran on the banner of left alliance and brought forward a common candidate for the First Past the Poll(FPTP) seats. Even though the parties brought the common candidates for FPTP seats, they vouched for proportionate seats separately. The total votes garnered by the then CPN (UML) in the proportionate system is only 0. 47 percent more than that of the closest rival Nepali Congress, while the same of the then CPN Maoist (Center) is about 19 percent less than that of the Nepali Congress. The left alliance, which later merged to become NCP, won 70 percent of the First Past the Poll(FPTP) seats because their candidates amassed all the left-leaning votes for the first time, in a country with a majority leftist leaning

Credit: Nepali Times
Picture Credit: Nepali Times

 

As such, irrespective of the faction the NCP might be split, there is a high possibility that split parties will be pushed to second, third, or fourth place in the upcoming election. Consequently, this communist government will be the first and the last time the communist party enjoys the unrivaled share of the power in all levels of government. The split of NCP would also mean that the communists lose their unrivaled hold in the six provinces in which they hold the power. 

 

The next general election is at least two and a half years away. The split, now, would mean that the next government will be a coalition government as no single party would have the majority in the parliament to form the government. There used to a joke about that the Nepalese governments that these came with an expiration date of nine months. Now that article 100 of the Nepalese Constitution prohibits the vote of no-confidence for two years after a government is formed, we may see a two-year-tenured government as a new normal. 

 

The leaders of the heavy-weights filled NCP started political fidgeting to gain the power or to bargain for the power as soon as the Oli-led government marked its second year on April 15 this year. This observation now begs the question if the party-merger was an ideological unity or was staged just for political leverage. As mentioned above, the NCP leaders must heed the patterns of political history post-1990 and make decisions keeping the interest of the country at its crux.

 

Nepalese people want the government to address the day to day expectations of the people such as proper response to COVID-19, more jobs, higher wages, better roads, transparency, accountability, rule of law, good governance, and affordable cost of living. We are convinced that institutional or government change, as we have seen in last twenty-five years, do not help much to meet those expectations. NCP must solve its internal matters democratically, work diligently to meet the day-to-day expectations, and make an effort not to disappoint the Nepalese populace again.  

 

The article was originally published in The Diplomat on August 5, 2020.